Rambuttan - Nature's wonder

If there exists a universally loved fruit in Sri Lanka then it must be rambuttan. As cars swing by the Henry Pediris ground they are inevitably lured to the mountains of red prickly fruit piled on rickety tables. Notes exchange hands and the time has come to enjoy another one of nature's wonders.

As I dipped into a bag and drew out a red ball with strands that made it look like some weird form of plankton I overheard the vendor extol the values of the "Malwana Rambuttan." So how did the rambuttan find a home in Malwana?

"The Portuguese first imported rambuttan from Malaysia. They had discovered the fruit there and had grown so fond of it that they could not live without it. A Portuguese Fort was constructed by the Kelaniya River and this was where the feared "Asawedaya" the most ferocious Portuguese commander lived. Legend has it that his favorite amusement was to toss up little children and skewer them at the end of his spear. Seeing such suffering was what made him happy," said Walgama M.D. Somathilake a retired school master and former journalist who is a known authority of, you guessed it rambuttan.

He also owns one of the larger rambuttan compounds in Malwana that was inherited from his grandfather. Named "Siriweda Nivasa" the descendant of the first trees that sprouted from the seeds that were thrown out by the Portuguese cavalry brought the delicacy to the locals. Even though the Portuguese never planted the fruit one taste of it growing in the wild was enough to drive the residents of Malwana to cultivate it for themselves. Thus began the "localizing" of rambuttan's adopted home.

"Rasawana" (the place where the Rakshaya (demon) lived) was the original place of the Portuguese Fort. This strip of land is now occupied by a line of shops but the rock that the fort was built on can still be seen. "That is the true Malwana, from where rambuttan spread," recalled Mr. Somathilake adding that the rumbuttan from this area is still the most delectable due to the nutrients in the soil that make it perfect for cultivation.

July and August are long awaited for months but they also bring loads of work for rambuttan farmers. Some owners prefer to lease out their rambuttan grounds but some, like Somathilake prefer to keep an eye on the process. The result is sleepless nights and once-a-year profits that need to be carefully funneled into the next year's harvest.

"Rambuttan was only developed methodically after the government in the 1950s handed out bud rambuttan to be farmed. That was when a lot of people got interested in growing the fruit. We were given a fertilizer subsidy but that was halted in 2001. Since then we have not had any outside support. Many of us breed our own plants from older trees. Even though they do not have proper names we know from the taste what the good varieties are. Interested people can get seedlings from their local "govi samithi" but since rambuttan is such a famous fruit in Malwana that is not really necessary. Rambuttan has also expanded to areas like Pasyala but none of them have the same quality as the "Malwana rambuttan."

It takes around 4-5 years for a rambuttan tree to mature to the point of bearing fruit. Then comes the second stage of strain. Protecting the rambuttan from bats and birds is a round the clock job that requires vigilance on par with protecting jewels. A "takaya" made of a sheet of metal attached to a bunch of iron wires and pulled by a coir rope is the most common method. Others include fluorescent bulbs perched atop bamboo sticks and luminous white flags that wave merrily in the wind over the ruby rambuttan trees. The glare of the lights frightens off would-be predators and ensures that the reverberating noise of the "takaya" gets a well-earned break.

The size of the crop is directly linked to the success rate of these imaginative schemes. Once the rambuttan has ripened buyers flock to Malwana. "We don't pluck them till the buyers arrive. Then when they give the number we gather exactly that amount and load them into baskets woven from coconut palms. Normally one "kude" holds around 1500 rambuttans. Then we sell it according to the prevalent price. Right now the average price is around Rs.3 or Rs.3.50 but some of the special varieties can go up to as much as Rs.6 per "gediya.""

Despite conceding that business was "ok" this year Mr. Somathilake nonetheless reminisces over "great" business done when it was possible to send rambuttan to Jaffna. "From 2002 onwards when the Cease Fire Agreement was in place lorry loads of rambuttan were taken to Jaffna. It was incredible. We would load up a string of 5-6 lorries in one day and in a couple of days it would be back to take more. That was the best business that we had seen for years. Now that has stopped and the only place to send rambuttan is Colombo. This has made the prices less," he lamented.

Malwana and rambuttan have a special kinship and this is evident for anyone who travels to the area. Generations of rambuttan lovers have passed on their expertise and the results greet you everywhere you go. Red bulbs of rambuttan peek at you from trees dotting the road side. But one would be hard pressed to find someone who loves his rambuttan more than I. Jayasena proudly maintains that he has the "authentic" Malwana rambuttan.

"I got this land from my mother and in those years it was a rubber plantation. Then I ripped out all the rubber trees and planted rambuttan. I have personally tended to these trees for over 15 years. I used to carry huge buckets on my shoulder to water them. This rambuttan "watte" is enough to keep the next generation comfortable. I'm very proud of it," he said gazing fondly at over 140 rambuttan laden trees stretching down a steep slope that ended in a carpet of paddy fields. In spite of being idyllically set it must have been back breaking work to nurture them.

"My father treats these trees like his children. Even if we so much as break a branch he yells at us," smiled Jeewantha Jayasena, one of three sons who are hard at work protecting the rambuttan. Half a dozen of his friends have also joined the security brigade and Mr. Jayasena pays them all at the end of the season according to the money he earns. Last year the pay check was a generous Rs.20 000 per person, which is very well earned considering that in addition to losing sleep and harvesting the fruit they also run the risk of toppling off the spindly branches when plucking rambuttan.

"He also holds an alms giving every year for all the villagers to give thanks to the gods for a bountiful harvest," continued Jeewantha as we descended deep into the watte striding on steps roughly hewn into the hill. Thus rambuttan has also become an intrinsic part of the traditions and culture of Malwana. How many fruits can claim such an honour?

As I stripped a peel off another rambuttan, a yellow one this time,i turned to M. Karunathilake for the final episode of this tale. He is one of over twenty groups of vendors who travel to Malwana each morning to gather the fruit and bring it to be sold in Colombo. By the time it reaches the pavement each rambuttan "gediya" is Rs.5 or less but prices are kept below this ceiling as consumers are reluctant to buy for higher prices.

"Business is poor this season because there is too much competition. Even the sellers who were earlier stationed on the road around the Colombo University and Thummulla have been forced to move out for security reasons. That means the business is spread too thin and none of us make good profits. Each morning we go to Malwana in my three-wheeler and collect rambuttan to sell here. The dealers do not come to us," he complained.

Many of the vendors also sleep on the uncomfortable strip of pavement wrapped around the Henry Pedris ground and keep this muscle cramping vigil for the entire rambuttan season. They are the essential thread that links the luscious rambuttan to us and makes sure that our yearly craving is satisfied. As with any story, the rambuttan legend too possesses strains of sorrow, history, hardship and triumph but more than any of this it has transformed into a truly Sri Lankan fruit that has its taste embedded in the hearts and taste buds of us all.

Historic caves discovered at excavations for housing

The archaeological remains of a historic rock cave that emerged during excavations for a housing complex at Gurugoda in Horana on Horana Ratnapura road are likely to be destroyed if the Department of Archaeology fails to take prompt action to conserve the site.

The building contractors are continuing excavations without any concern for the archaeological importance of the site . A senior official of Horana Urban Council who inspected the area was of opinion that the cave and the tunnel is of historical importance and that the Archaeological Department must take steps to prevent further excavations by the building contractors and to initiate research. He said the building site is within the Horana Pradeshiya Sabha limits and that the UC is not in a position to take any step.

The officials of the housing complex whorefused to provide any information on the site said that it is not of any historical importance.

The workers of the building site said the cave which is about 15 feet long emerged when the nearby rock was cleared to construct a park for the housing complex and that it could be longer and covered with earth. .

The Chairman of Horana Pradeshiya Sabha said that he ordered the officials of the housing complex not to cause any damage to the tunnel. It is in a protected area. A teacher of a leading school in Horana said there was evidence that Horana, Ratnapura and Balangoda areas were the seat of a pre historic civilisation and that the researchers should pay attention on the rock cave found in the proposed building site. Meanwhile the residents of the area said the officials and the relevant authorities have left the historic site to the mercy of the building contractors who are motivated only by clearing the site for the housing complex. They requested the Archaeological Department take to immediate steps to take over the site and initiate researches.

(http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/06/20/Rural/01.asp)

Painters in the sky

Braving the elements and other dangers a group of people keep the dagoba’s shimmering white

The beautiful white dagobas of Anuradhapura are wonders of the world, admired by all who see them. However, maintaining the glory of these gigantic structures is no easy task. They need constant care and little known to the public, there is a group of people who risk their lives to keep them shimmering white.

Painting a dagoba like Ruwanveliseya is probably one of the most difficult jobs in the world. The painters have to brave the elements- the scorching sun, strong winds that whirl around, the rain and thunder when it comes. One wrong step could end up in tragedy. Courage and determination are their strength, climbing a creaky ladder without any other support amidst the gusty wind.

“Once, our painters were attacked by a colony of wasps that were nesting on Hatharas Kotuwa. Wasps stung the painters, but they managed to climb down safely. If they panicked, it could have ended up in disaster. Another time, a ladder caught in the wind, twisted and a painter fell. But luckily nothing serious happened. We are here for a noble cause and may be the divine powers are protecting us,” Kumarage Sampath who is currently at Ruwanveliseya told The Sunday Times.

Sampath is the leader of a group of forty plus workers who toil day in and day out to paint the Ruwanveliseya. His father, Kumarage Akman was involved in painting the Ruwanveliseya for nearly two decades and this is the nineteenth consecutive year that his team is painting this mammoth dagoba. Before starting out, the group participates in a ritualistic puja to Sri Maha Bodhiya. It has become a custom to invoke the blessings and protection of the divine powers to complete their difficult task safely.

At 338 feet, the pinnacle of the stupa is over 30 stories high. They start by building scaffolding up to the “Devatha Kotuwa”, the square block that sits on top of the dagoba. There are bricks in the dagoba that have been purposely set for this task. Bamboos are used for the scaffolding, considering their light weight and strength.

Once the main scaffolding is in place, another mobile ladder assembled on the ground is sent up into position.

To stabilize the ladder against the winds, it is pinned by several other cross ropes tied tight to the ground. These are more than 20 metres long and curve to the shape of the dagoba. Painters then climb the ladder to various levels.

The painting is done by hand, by stretching up and as far they can. Then the painter descends a few steps and starts painting the area below. After that stretch is completed, the ladder is moved a little further around the structure. This process is continued until the whole dagoba is painted.

“Painting the “Koth kerella and Devatha kotuwa is difficult. We assemble another ladder and send it to the top. Those who paint the last part just climb that ladder while two people hold its base. The person on the top should balance himself against the strong wind on top. It is dangerous. You need to be brave enough to do that,” said Sampath.

Ruwanveliseya gets a lime white-wash annually. Salt, washing blue and various kinds of sago are mixed together to make the paint. The sago is to strengthen the mixture and make it stick to the wall. This was supposedly done even during ancient times. Two coats of paint and nine tons of lime are needed to complete the operation.

“Painting the dagoba is indeed a difficult task,” the Ruwanveli Mahaseya's Chief Incumbent Ven. Pallegama Hemarathana Nayaka Sthavira commented. “Ruwanveliseya is the largest dagoba in Sri Lanka which gets a white-wash. Though Abhayagiriya and Jethawanaramaya are bigger, they are open brick structures which don’t need to be whitewashed. Since its ancient glory was restored in 1940, Ruwanveliseya was painted once in two years. But with time, the surface of the dagoba has been softening. It doesn’t retain the paint properly. So since 2000, it is being painted annually.
Some years back, there was also an attempt to use emulsion paint instead of the lime mixture. Several parts of the dagoba were painted on an experimental basis. “The bricks absorb water and when it is heated by the blazing sun it evaporates. The emulsion paint seals off the surface and traps the heat and vapour inside which might even cause splits or damages,” Ven. Pallegama Hemarathana Nayaka Sthavira said. So that was abandoned upon expert advice.

The painters build a temporary ‘wadiya’ for their use and sometimes sleep on the stone floor that has been smoothened by the feet of billions of devotees over centuries. It usually takes about two months to paint a dagoba like Ruwanveliseya and they face many hardships, being away from their families but it is their commitment and effort that brings Ruwanveliseya to its shimmering glory.

(http://www.sundaytimes.lk/070617/Plus/pls10.html)

A PROBLEM OF HISTORY

It was announced recently, over the Rupavahini that an association from Anamaduwa has published a booklet on teaching of history in schools. They have had a seminar or workshop or whatever, under the chairmanship of Dr. Sasanka Perera of the University of Kolomba, in the absence of Mr. Reggie Siriwardhana, where a discussion had taken place on some of the material included in the booklet. As I understand there is a recommendation to drop the Dutugemunu - Elara story from the school texts. It appears that this story in the form it is taught today is an obstacle to bring 'peace' to this country. So they want a new story to be taught in the schools and already some people have created a story that is in agreement with their project, namely to erase the Sinhala Buddhist history of the country in order to appease the Tamil racists.

The Tamil racists would very much like to erase the Dutugemunu Elara story from the history books, as it is the corner stone of the formation of the Sinhala Buddhist unitary state of this country. The Tamil racists of the so-called moderate variety want to create a separate state going through a federal state while the LTTE kills people to establish it without an intermediate phase.

All histories are stories told by people. Some of these storytellers are called historians. The stories whether told by the historians or the others are relative and there is nothing to hide about it. The history as revealed in the Mahavansaya is relative to the Mahaviharaya just as much the present day histories created by some of the so-called historians and the others in the universities and the NGO's are relative to the project of Tamil racists. However any history has to be consistent with the evidence present in various forms such as archaeological ('historical' or 'pre-historical') artefacts. In this regard the Mahawansaya stands like a giant whereas the new history created by the Tamil racists has no credibility what so ever.

The history of the Dutugemunu - Elara new history starts with an article (sometimes these articles are referred to as research papers) presented by Dr. W. I. Siriweera, presently the vice chancellor at the Rajarata University, at a seminar organised by the social scientists association way back in December 1979. In that article, probably he wanted to establish that Dutugemunu and Elara were participants in a feudal power game. This is how he has stated this 'impression' in the above-mentioned article. (I quote from a book entitled "ethnicity and social change in Sri Lanka" published by the social scientists association, in which the articles presented at the above seminar appear). "However, reading between the lines in the Mahawansa account, one gets the impression that both Elara and Dutthagamani were participants in a feudal power game and not in a racial war fought between the Sinhalese and the Tamils" (page 57).

This impression of Dr. Siriweera, which he has acquired by reading the Mahawansaya 'between the lines', has now become the gospel truth of the Tamil racists. As far as I know no new 'material' has been found since 1979 on this all-important impression of Dr. Siriweera, but based on that, various people are agitating to recreate the Dutugemunu - Elara story claiming perhaps that their new story constitutes the objective history. It is not worthwhile to analyse these impressions that people have got reading between the lines, which passes for the new history written by the Tamil racists. However following the editor of the Mahavansaya, for the 'serene joy and emotion of the pious' (hudeejana pahan sanvegaya), let us go through some of the reading between the lines of Dr. Siriweera.

At the outset one must give credit to Dr. Siriweera for being consistent in his basic premise. On the Deepavansaya he says the following. "The objective of the Dipavamsaya was to relate the history of the visits of the Buddha and the introduction of Buddhism into the island which 'existed as Sihala after the lion.' Thus the author of the Dipavamsaya gave articulation to the Sinhala-Buddhist consciousness which was strengthened by subsequent chronicles." Dr. Siriweera observes that the Mahavansaya "was more a national epic of the Sinhala Buddhists of the orthodox Theravada sector than a dynamic history of the island."

While he does not admit that the Deepavansaya and the Mahavansaya reveal the history as such, the 'unbiased history', he has no hesitation in accepting the fact there was a Sinhala Buddhist consciousness even in the fourth century A.C. This implies that contrary to what many others who are either supporters or sympathisers of the Tamil racists have to say, the Sinhala Buddhist consciousness is not something that the British created in the nineteenth century. Those who are of the view that the Sinhala Buddhist consciousness was created by the British have to explain why the editors of the Deepavansaya and the Mahavansaya wrote those books as 'national epics of the Sinhala Buddhists', the way these classics are described by many of them. Dr. Siriweera unlike the others in his camp appears to be more consistent in this regard.

Now let us look at some of Dr. Siriweera's reading between the lines. He seems to believe that the Tamils and the Sinhala people had lived together in this country during the last 2500 years or so. The Deepavansaya as well as the Mahavansaya refer to Sena and Guttika as invaders. It may not be possible to decide that they were Tamils for two reasons. The Sinhala Vansakatha (chronicles) has a tradition of referring to any foreigner as a Tamil, so much so that, as pointed out by Dr. Vimala Wijesuriya, the Rajavaliya calls even the Portuguese as Tamils. Secondly by the time of Sena and Guttika even in South India there was no tribe or race that could be identified as Tamils. However the important fact is that they were invaders.

Dr. Siriweera tries to create the impression that the Tamils had been living in this country during the time of the king Kavanthissa forgetting conveniently that according to Dr. Indrapalan, the first Professor of History at the University of Yapanaya, there were no Tamil permanent settlements in Sri Lanka prior to the tenth century. There could have been few Tamils in Anuradhapura as is the case with many capitals in which foreigners are found. But that does not mean that there were Tamils in the country living side by side with the Sinhala people. The irony is that neither Dr. Siriweera nor anybody else can come out with any evidence, other than the references in the vansakathas themselves to Elara and his army, to establish the presence of Tamils (Cholas) during this period.

In the absence of such evidence one has to conclude with the Mahavansaya that Elara was an invader. The fact that there were Sinhala soldiers like Mithra, the uncle of Nandimithra, again ironically based on information given in the Mahavansaya, does not prove that Dutugemunu and Elara were only two feudal chieftains fighting for the throne. There wee Sinhala people in the British army. Even Keppitipola Disawe before he joined the Wellassa liberators was a member of the British army. However that did not make the British who violated the 1815 convention, non-invaders. Today there are so many professors and others who claim to be Sinhala people working for the Tamil racists but that does not mean that the Tamil leaders are non racists. The fact that Mithra was in the army of Elara only establishes that there have been political ancestors of the NGO members even then who were prepared to sell the country for a few privileges. In today's context not only foreign trips but even recognition as intellectuals can be considered as privileges.

Dr. Siriweera says by the time Mahavansaya was written 'the element of conflict in the relations between the Sinhalese and the Tamils had crystalized.' However he continues to refer to the political threats posed by the Tamil feudal chiefs. His "impression" is that these so called Tamil feudal chiefs were permanent settlers in this country. The trouble with his 'impression' is that in order to have feudal chiefs it is necessary to have feudal Tamils living on a permanent basis in the country. When Dr. Indrapalan says that there were no Tamil settlements during this period the question has to be asked to whom did these Tamil feudal chiefs give the leadership. Dr. Siriweera prefers to make the impression that Elaras and Pandus were feudal chiefs and not invaders. This is not very much different from the BBC reference to the LTTE terrorists as liberators or freedom fighters.

Mahavansaya contrary to Dr. Siriweera's impression does not say that 'Elara and Dutugemunu were participants in a racial war fought between the Sinhalese and the Tamils.' This assumes that the Tamils and the Sinhala people were living in Sri Lanka and that there was a racial war. No, it is very clearly stated in the Mahavansaya that Elara came from Chola and that he was an invader Even if he did not come from Chola he would have come from some part in South Asia as an invader. Dutugemunu fought to defeat the invader and protect Buddhism. There was no symmetrical relationship between Elara and Dutugemunu. One was the invader whereas the other was the liberator.

Dr. Siriweera mentions Bhalluka also in his article. He says: "The name Bhalluka , which is given to the general who is said to have arrived from South India after Elara's death to fight Dutthagamani, bespeaks a non-Tamil origin. The Dravidian or Tamil equivalent of Bhalluka would have been Phalluka". Dr. Siriweera who is very good at creating impressions, by using phrases like the 'the general who is said to have arrived from South India' wants us to believe that Bhalluka was a resident in Sri Lanka. His only argument in this connection is that the Dravidian or the Tamil equivalent of Bhalluka would have been Palluka and that there cannot be any Tamil Bhallukas. According to this line of reasoning there cannot be Balendrans among the Tamils but only Palendrans. No Balasunderams but only Palasunderams.

Then he mentions that Gamani and Dighabaya, two Sinhala generals of Elara have been referred to as Tamils along with thirty other generals in the Mahavansaya. It cannot create such suspicion or surprise as even today those Sinhala professors and others who write on behalf of Tamil racism are referred to as Tamil racists along with those Tamils who are Tamil racists. Dr. Siriweera appears to be puzzled with the Velu part in the name of Velusumana. Since then many people have wondered whether Velusumana was a Tamil. Perhaps these people have never heard of the Veluvanaramaya in the Dambadiva. I am told that Velu in Pali means bamboo (una) and if I may also try to create an impression following Dr. Siriweera, Velusumana could mean Sumana who had something to do with bamboo. Even in names such as Kavanthissa, Dutugemunu the parts Kavan and Dutu describe those particular persons by the names Thissa and Gemunu. In today's context we have people referred to as Kaluathula, Polsumane etc.

The rest of Dr. Siriweera's article deals with Mahavansaya in general and has no direct reference to the Dutugemunu- Elara story. His main interest is to create an impression that the Mahavansaya is not impartial. However what transpires is nothing but the partiality of Dr. Siriweera towards Tamil racism.

The NGO's and organisations with NGO connections campaign to eliminate Dutugemunu-Elara story from school texts, based on so-called research papers in history, which try to 'create impressions by reading between the lines'. Has the historian Carr or anybody else has defined history is nothing but impressions of a few people who call themselves historians? The rewriting of history relative to Tamil racism is a project which itself has a history. The people involved with this project now clamour to include the history that they have created in the school texts. It is the Sinhala Buddhist history of the country that the Tamil racists refuse to accept. After all, the Tamil problem in Sri Lanka is a problem of history.

(http://infolanka.com/org/kalaya/fea026.htm)

Memoirs of a game ranger by E. Desmond White, Former Park Warden, Yala

The life and times of a Wildlife man is unpredictable. Every day is an adventure into the unknown. Reminiscing over 35 of the best years of my life, the mind awakens memories and nostalgia of the many trails trod as a protector of wildlife and the environment.

My first appointment as a trainee Game Ranger was to Yala (Palatupana H.Q.), back in 1957, on April fools' day. I travelled to Tissamaharama the previous day and spent the night at the Rest-house which consisted of two rooms. That night I shared my room with a travelling businessman, who on the following morning, gave me a lift to the Post Office, situated on the Kirinda road, now relegated to the status of a Sub. P.O. This was to be our meeting point with the Wildlife personnel from Palatupana and it was here that I met the lanky A. B. Fernando, similarly reporting for duty. Deptl. jeep No. C.N-3624 met us at the Post Office and took us to Palatupana. Incidentally, at that time the entire Department had only three jeeps, one stationed at Yala, one at Wilpattu and the other at H.Q. Colombo, for use of the director.

Our immediate boss was the Div. Game Ranger, the late G. N. Q. de Silva and his assistants were the late Peter Jayawardene and D. T. S. Seneviratne. G.N.Q., Peter and Percy as they were fondly known were our instructors. G.N.Q. and Peter were ex. Army officers, the former ramrod straight, was a strict disciplinarian and Peter, a tough man and a superb shot.

My contemporaries were Shirley Perera, A. B. Fernando and the late M. F. M. Izzadeen. For accommodation we had to share two cubicles with hardly any space to move about once the 'donkey beds' were placed. We had to get together and prepare our meals, and this too served as part of our training.

Our training comprised trips on foot into the jungles, routine office work, study of relevant ordinances and laws and firearms practice. A lot of effort went into changing us from ordinary lads to jungle men, and our instructor on these field trips was late W. L. A. Andiris, a veteran of the Yala jungles. Up at the crack of dawn, warmed up with a cup of plain tea and armed with a short wooden staff, we would easily walk 8 to 10 miles on any given day, studying animal behaviour, animal tracks and the jungle in general. We would traverse varied terrain and learn to crawl, walk and climb quickly and noiselessly under the guidance and expertise of Andiris. After these jungle trips we usually returned to base around 10.30 a.m. and only then had the pleasure of enjoying a solid meal. Incidentally, Andiris was a Game Guard in the Dept. at that time. His brother-in-law. A. W. Siridias was also an employee in the Dept. and was one of the original settlers at Palatupana (Godekalapuwa happens to be the name of the place now referred to as Palatupana. Palatupana is the place where the salt pans are situated. According to Siridias, Andiris and members of his family had been originally resident at Andunoruwa (close to Menikganga at Yala, Block I of the Park) and maybe for sustenance cultivated paddy in Yala-wela (beyond Menikganga, of what is today Block II of the Park).

According to available evidence the area between Yala and Katagamuwa, bordering the Menikganga had been inhabited during this period. Past Yala on the Katagamuwa road and before Komawewa there are ruins of a dagoba with a few stone pillars around suggesting a Buddhist temple. Beyond this is Kotabendiwewa with a 'murunga' grove around the place. It is rumoured that a cripple or 'atha kota' living with these people at that time had sought the help of a few others to build this 'wewa' and when their co-operation was not forthcoming, he on his own 'single handed' had constructed this tank and hence the name 'Kota-bendi wewa'.

Sites by the Menikganga, namely Paranatotupola (Yala), Kosgasmankada, Narangastota, Agiliyagastota, Thalgasmankada, Warahana, Rugamtota, Pahalahentota, and tanks such as Komawewa, Kotabendiwewa, Korawakwewa, Katagamuwewa suggest human habitation and activities in this area. To date a section of land in the Katagamuwa Sanctuary is being cultivated with paddy by a private party. Ruins of a dagoba and the 'Nandimithra sohona' or tomb are also found in the Katagamuwa area. Nandimithra is said to be a warrior of king Dutugamunu.

Andiris and his family, including Reginahamy his sister, had subsequently moved to Godekalapuwa around the year 1905. Thereafter Andiris had made Godekalapuwa his home and the watle and daub house he occupied with his family still stands there and is now occupied by Lilynona his niece, daughter of Reginahamy. Andiris together with his brothers and cousins had been cultivating paddy in an allotment of about 15 acres of land in Godekalapuwa. When we joined the Dept. in 1957 a small section of this land had been cultivated and a battery-operated electric fence had been erected by the Dept. on an experimental basis, to ward off marauding wild animals. Siridias, the only other resident at Godekalapuwa now lives there in a wattle and daub house, once employed in the Dept., now leading a retired life.

Henry Englebrecht was the first Camp Warden of the Ruhuna National Park (1907-1928). During the period of about 20 years that Englebrecht operated in the Yala area, it is said that in the course of his duties he had to cover the Panama, Okanda, Kumana, Yala, Palatupana. Tissamaharama areas finally arriving at Hambantota, where he received his pay packet from the Government authority and also bought his provisions and other necessities, returning along the same route. His mode of transport had been a double bullock cart, with a couple of spare bulls trailing behind. Being a lone man with human instincts he had left tangible evidence indicating that he did sow his wild oats on his trips up and down his domain. There is to this day a herd of neat cattle, now turned wild, seen in Block II of the Park, which people say are the remnants of Englebrecht's large - humped bullocks having mated with cows belonging to the Kumana village herd.

Henry Englebrecht had a son named Harry Englebrecht, who had been a Game Guard in the Dept. He had been subsequently discharged from the Dept. and I met him thereafter at Tissamaharama and Anuradhapura and has not been heard of since. It is rumoured that Englebrecht (Snr) used to give his son a shotgun and just one cartridge to shoot and animal for the pot. Failure to do so would result in a horse - whipping and this had made him an excellent stalker and a top marksman. It is a well-known fact that some of the descendants and relatives of the Englebrechts are residents in Tissamaharama and Godekalapuwa, while some others are employed in the Dept., while still some others have since retired from service or passed away. Englebrecht's grave with a tombstone is found in the graveyard close to the Hambantota town.

Menika was considered the patriarch of the Kumana village and was an interesting character in many ways. Whilst at Yala, I used to meet him on my official trips to Kumana. He was a regular user of cannabis and for his use grew the weed in his home plot. He had many occasional visitors from high positions both in the state as well as the private sector, who shared and enjoyed his hospitality, under his humble thatched roof and cow-dung smeared floor. No doubt Menika in return received many favours from his guests, some of them far greater than the value of money.

Menika had a family of about 10 children and in the course of time all his sons were able to join the Wildlife Department whilst his attractive daughters married Wildlife Department employees. Menika met with his death after being stung by a cobra in Block II of the Park. He had been on his way home on foot from Yala to Kumana, accompanied by Game Guard A. W. Hendrikappuhamy, who was married from Kumana.

(http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2002/09/01/fea20.html)

Kataragama Shrine and Its Staff (= Theva Madulla)

The history of constructing shrines dedicated for gods runs back to the time when the belief of gods entered the minds of people and this history blends with the distant past. Numerous references about such shrines that existed during both pre-Buddhist and Buddhist eras in India are found in Buddhist literature[1].

Although Sri Lankans were in the habit of worshipping gods since time immemorial, a record about the construction of shrines is found for the first time during the reign of King Pandukabhaya. Mahavamsa very clearly states that King Pandukabhaya who reigned in 4th century BC, constructed two shrines for two demons, Chittaraja and Kalavela[2]. The existence of this shrine up to the time of King Mahasen can be assumed because of a mention that King Mahasen constructed a stupa at this location[3].

Bodhivamsa has another archaic citation about shrines[4]. It maintains that King Devanampiyatissa, while engaged in marking boarders came across a Brahmin shrine called Divya Vasa. Reverend Walpola Rahula commenting on this, guesses that the particular building could be the residence of some Brahmin but not a shrine[5].

Out of these accounts, it could be deduced that during this early period shrines were built for the demons, but later with the spread of the worship of gods, the trend veered aiming gods.

At the very outset, it has to be stated that the history of Kataragama shrine dates back to time immemorial because of the folklore related to this shrine is much older than the records written later, thus incapacitating the verification of folklore. Still, the information about a three-storied building constructed in Kataragama by a Singhalese king is in the book of hymns called Kandamala. According to the same source, this colossal building with an entrance consisting of seven plights of steps was constructed for Skanda Kumara[6].

According to folklore, a shrine was constructed for God Kataragama for the first time in Sri Lanka by King Dutugemunu. Although there is no other historical source capable of proving this, it is subject to popular belief. Folk tales highlighting that King Dutugemunu was friendly with a god who had an arboreal abode and the story aforesaid have a close relationship.

Prince Gemunu who was born in Magama in Ruhuna, after taking control of Ruhuna following his father, decided to wage war with Dravidians who held power in Anuradhapura. Therein, expecting the favours of God Kataragama, he made a vow at the Palaruha Bo tree (a sapling from Sri Maha Bodhi in Anuradhapura) in Kataragama. The vow was; to construct a shrine for God Kataragama provided he emerged victorious as expected. Undoubtedly, the Palaruha Bodhi mentioned here should be the historical Bo tree standing to date near Kataragama shrine. Since it was regarded that God Kataragama dwelled in this Bo tree, it is reasonable to determine that this sylvan deity was none but God Kataragama.

One day, King Dutugemunu having made religious observances pertaining to quarter-moon days, fell asleep while he was remaining thoughtful at Divurumgala[7] (a part of Menikganga). While asleep, he saw in a dream that he was speaking to somebody who was riding a peacock. During the discussion, this stranger pledged assistance to King Dutugeminu and in turn King Dutugemunu promised to construct a shrine[8]. Having won the war with Dravidians, King Dutugemunu constructed a shrine near the Palaruha Bodhi, fulfilling his promise.

Although it could be guessed that his construction would have been the shrine admired by the authors (poets) of ancient Singhalese sandesa kavyas, the building visible at present cannot claim an antiquity dating back to the time of Dutgemunu. The present building does not seem to be older than 05 centuries. The building referred in Singhalese sandesa kavyas may have perished due to attacks by invading enemies or due to exposure to the elements.

Present building standing at Kataragama may have evolved to the present status possibly in three phases. Inner chamber of the shrine can be regarded as the oldest section. This structure is seven feet each in length, breadth, and height with walls over two feet in thickness.

The platform (watapila) built around the chamber is a later addition. The front section is in the shape of a hall with pillars is a construction added still later.

Land allocated for the main shrine is no more than ¼ of an acre. Within this precincts enclosed by a huge parapet wall about 10 feet in height, the main shrine, site for smashing coconuts in homage to god, kiri viharaya, the temple of Ganadevi ( Ganesha), kitchen for preparing offerings, several small devalayas (shrines), Ashta Pala Ruha Bodhi, and another bo tree called Kadawara Bodhi are located. There are four large gateways from four directions to enter holy area.

The Structure of Kataragama Main Shrine at Present

Main shrine consists of two main sections (gabada)[9]. Devotees can enter only into the outer section. One who enters through the main gate to the compound would espy Kola Pandalama – a structure like a trellis with leafy twigs of branches are hung. One has to pass through this kola pandalama to enter the main shrine. The area of the main shrine entered through kola pandalama is called Pita Gabadawa. Large door frame adorned with ornamental brass fittings generates a feeling of respect in any viewer. Two large door panes fitted into this frame too are decorated with brass plates. The key about the size of a hand axe reminds one of a royal palace of the old. Although the Sandakadapahana (the slab of stone in the shape of a half moon) that embellish the doorstep is a work of recent past, it is a marvelous creation depicting traditions of local art. In addition to the main door, two other small doors also are used to enter the shrine.

Pita gabadawa constructed with pillars and a pillar top which resembles a hall reflects features of ancient Hindu and Dravidian architecture. Folklore has that there were murals drawn on the walls of pita gabadawa depicting the story of God Kataragama and Valli Amma[10] but there are no signs of such artwork visible today. This hall darkened with soot from lamps and filled with the smell of joss-sticks and camphor, is capable of generating a mystical feeling in those who visit.

Next, one comes across a location covered by two walls at the entrance to the inner section. This is called wattarama. This area is utilized for the needs of alaththi pooja conducted by the group of women called Alaththi Ammas[11].

The door to the inner section is decorated with a slab of granite decorated with carvings called Korawakgala. This door is covered with a large curtain with a picture of God Kataragama so as to be seen by anybody who enters the outer section. Near the door step of this door, at a place allocated for the purpose, a vessel containing water mixed with sandal is kept to wash the feet of attendants who enter the inner section. This place is called Sandun Madapaya.

The area beyond sandun mandapaya is Latha Mandapaya. The verandah between sandun mandapaya and latha mandapaya is decorated with a canopy and lighted with two large brass lamps that burn always. The lamps used during the alaththi pooja by alaththi ammas are lit out of these brass lamps. Yet another tradition worth mention is that two valuable elephant tusks are kept in this verandah during the festival season. It is believed that these tusks originally belonged to King Dutugemunu. This sanadun madapaya is used as the holy enclosure (pirith mandapaya) to chant pirith during the festival season.

It is not possible to have any information regarding the inner section because it is regarded as extremely confidential.

Roof of the main shrine is thatched with copper plates.

One definite lineament observable to the inquisitive eye is that various sections have been appended from time to time. However, aforesaid kola pandalama remains unchanged to-date.

According to oral tradition, kola pandalama was built by King Dutugemunu. It is said that this was suggested to him again in a dream. Annually this kola pandalama is renewed. There is a traditional ritual followed in this renewal. That is, after five days since the commencement of annual festival rotten twigs are removed and new ones added. The peculiarity here is that only branches of trees with latex are used.

Attending Staff (= Theva Madulla) of Kataragama Shrine

There is a staff with definite work assigned on a traditional basis to attend to all activities related to the main shrine. This staff is in the belief that their work allocations follow a royal decree. There is an ancient document in the possession of the main shrine that carry reasonable information about this working pattern. Total content of the said document written on a sheet of gold dating back to 1658 Buddhist Era (about ACE 1114) is as follows:

Highly Venerated King Dutugemunu who brought the who brought Sri Lanka under a central rule for stability over a long period of time and protection from possible dangers established at the shrine of Kataragama, the seat for the four gods Kihireli, Saman Boksel, Vibheeshana, and Ayyanayaka enabling them to remain within the shrine with compassion for the inhabitants of Sri Lanka, bed for sleeping, and discussion hall (katha bas karana salawa)for residence.

Appointment of 18 caretakers were made with all necessary facilities for providing uninterrupted security over night and day, 12 kapuralas ( god’s attendants making offerings), 24 virgins for alaththi duties, 04 mahouts, one mohotti secretary to collect taxes due for the shrine, and one to pray for the god and settle disputes. A Basanayake Nilame was appointed to take charge of processions for paying homage to god. Duties and meals are as aforesaid. Maha Bethme Nilame was appointed to remain near the tusk and the eye of the right side while proceeding with the procession because the procession repeats eighteen times with the ornaments of god on the back of an elephant.

A second Bethme was also appointed to proceed on the left side (of the elephant). A Bethme carries twelve times honourific status compared to a nilame. To maintain this, he has been offered two-tenths of the main income together with paddy. According to the royal decree by King Dutugemunu, for the development of Ruhunu Kataragama main shrine and Kirivehera, on full moon day of 1658 Buddhist Era, that is the 41st year of reign of King Maharanadhipathi Sri Sangabodhi Sri Parakramabahu, born to sun clan having and descended from Maha Sammatha, adorned himself with 64 ornaments of jewelry and wearing crown in accompaniment of King Sri Kena of Matara Palace together with ministers appointed Prince Bhatiya who descends from King Vijeya, to the post of Maha Bethme to carry out procession with allowance for his wife Devinuwara Ranpatabendi Kiriethana to proceed with the procession taking the lead. For their sustenance, leaving shares aside for the gods and Lord Buddha, cultivable land of extent 18 amunas, evary pandama, Parapath Manikyamaya Desange oya, and Yalagama are awarded in order that the ownership continues so long as desired by them and their generations.

These properties are bounded by the river called Thumbodhi to the East, Akasagala to the West, Kataragama galpaya to the North and the sea coast to the South with the right of receiving one fourth of the volume of bee’s honey and wasp’s honey collected within the said area, and the right of charging money if there had been a delay for more than 15 days, while exempted from paying taxes to the government, and the surname of Abeysinghe Wickramasooriya conferred to perform duties to god in the capacity of Maha Bethme with affirmation to continue so long as the sun and the moon exist. In accordance with the order, this is written on the gold sheet by the minister, Lokeshwara.

Attending Staff (=Thewa Madulla)

Attending staffs appointed for uninterrupted performance of traditional daily chores of Ruhunu Maha Kataragama shrine are 55 in number. Each individual has a specific duty assigned and they sacrifice themselves to adhere to those duties with great care. Namely they are as follows.

Pirith Nilaya

Pavada Laying staff

Devana Nekath Rala(Assistant Astrologer)

Maha Basnayake

Torch Bearers

Alaththi Ammala

Deveni Basnayake

Horane (horn) Blowers

Wata Vee Genu

Maha Bethme

Muthukuda (Pearl Umbrella) Bearers

Me Vadanna

Kuda Bethme

Peramune Rala

Vidane Henaya

Maha Adikaram

Mohottala

Etha Vana Bendeeme Thevakarayin

Kuda Adikaram

Kottalbadde

Vidane Panikkiya

Maha Lekam

Nekath Rala(Astrologer)

Panikkiya

Bandara Lekam

Flag Bearers

Nettuwa (Dancer)

Bandaranayake

Gampahe Vidana Rala

Sixteen guardians of Mandapaya

Kapuralas

Aramudale Kankanama

Anaberakaru (Drummercommunicating messages)

Perahera Balana Rala

Aramudale Mukarayin

Gamaralala

Gabadakara Rala

Thavalame Kankanama

Buththala Gampahe Duraya

Diyakapana Rala

Thavalame Muhandiram

Paraveni Karayan

Gotu Mahanna

Gamdahaye VidanaRala

Uliyam Pangukarayan

Davul drummers

Hewa Rala (Watcher)

Guardians of Handun Mandapaya

Thametta drummers

Kath Nilayan (Pingo Carriers)

Conch Blowers

Nila Pangu arayin

Viyan (Canpoy) Makers

Thavalame Badukarayain

In the possession of the Secretary of the Main Shrine, there is an ancient ola leaf document that spells out their duties. Due to withholding of permission by those in charge of the shrine, the writer had no opportunity to lay hands on this document[12].

Gevadeema

Appointment to duties of Kataragama shrine is termed by the particular word ‘gevadeema’ (=initiation). Other than those who have had appointment according to ancient traditions, nobody else is allowed to enter the inner chambers of the main shrine and the shrine of Valli Amma. On these grounds, gevadeema is treated as an important and serious issue. There is a separate panel of officials to attend to gevadeema. They are:



I. Basnayake

II. Bethmes

III. Adikaram

IV. Lekam (Secretary)

V. Kapuralas

Ritual of appointing new attending staffs commences amidst the chanting of pirith by Maha Sanga. Balance of the process continues with the supervision of four officials who have undergone gevadeema already.

This activity which reminds the coronation of a king in the olden days takes place in complete observance of the auspicious times calculated by the astrologer of the shrine. To begin with, the novice purifies by bathing in Menik river after smearing boiled lime on the head and dousing the body with young coconut water. Idea behind this ritual is to dispel any kili (foul environment). Following this, chief kapurala dressed himself in white cloth (piruvata), pierces the ear lobes of the novice and puts on golden ear rings. A golden filament is used to pierce the ear lobes. Thereafter, the novice has to worship god in a process called nava vendum – bowing in nine ways.

This paying of obeisance which takes place at the gate of the shrine, in the hall area, and at the curtain covering the inner chamber of the shrine is carried out in a certain order; i.e. three times with the right foot forward, three times with both feet together, and three times with the body in half-bent position completes nava vendum.

Next, after novice takes oaths at mini bendi mandapa promising that he would not let the secrets of the shrine to outsiders. This whole process is called gevadeema.

Pirith Nilaya

The designation entrusted with the responsibility of conducting Buddhist religious observances according to the demands of Kataragama main shrine is titled as pirith nilaya. There are several service villages (nindagam) assigned for the expenses of pirith nilaya. In devala seettuwa[13] explains the duties of pirith nilaya as follows:

“…to deliver sermons and attend to the activities of the temple a pious and disciplined monk who leads a group, a vidane, three groups (of monks) with another pious monk and on the day of Esala (July - August) procession for Lord Buddha or on the other days…”

The aforesaid devala seettuwa sheds light to the fact that chanting pirith was among the practices that continued uninterrupted inside the shrine. Also, it is clear that three bhikkus participated for this but at present this custom is fulfilled only during the festival season. Present custom is to invite bhikkus living in Kirivehera informing the date and time by the Secretary of the shrine after offering a sheaf of betel leaves. It could be guessed that this ancient custom may have weakened due to difficulties in finding bhikkus with the forest invading the area and people reducing in numbers.

The paddy field that has been offered for pirith nilaya is called ‘Pirith Nile Kumbura’. This paddy field which is three amunus[14] in extent is situated in the village of Aluthwala in Buttala area.

Although, in the olden days, there had been a house allocated for chanting pirith, at present it is done in a special pavilion constructed for the purpose. Only the water obtained from the ford called Jeevamali on Menikganga is used for pirith. Long held tradition is to pour pirith water into a golden receptacle (kendiya ) and keep in the shrine. Also, apart from the income from pirith nile kumbura, the offering of presents after the festival season to the bhikkus who participate in pirith chanting is an ancient custom.

Basnayake Nilame

Basnayake Nilame is the chief of staff of Ruhunu Kataragama shrine. He is entrusted with all administrative and managerial functions of the shrine. These include key functions such as appointments related to the shrine, wages, payments, administrations of service villages of the shrine, and collection of income.

Up to recent times, the post of Basnayake Nilame remained as a traditional legacy of a particular generation. Folklore suggests that the first Basnayake Nilame was appointed by King Dutugemunu. This had been a nephew of the king.

Although informed sources related to the shrine mention that the generation of Basnayake Nilames belongs to the family called Walawwatta of Matara, there are no historic sources or further details about this claim. According to the archives available today, oldest appointment belongs to 160? AD. Kirigalpotta Bandaranayake Mudiyanse Ralahamy[15] had his appointment in this year.

Due to the Ordinance of Temples and Shrines of 1932, the appointment of Basnayake Nilame which was a traditional legacy up to then, took a turn[16]. Under this, the control of Kataragama shrine was handed over to the Department of Public Trustee.

At present, when the vacancy exists for the post of Basnayake Nilame, a suitable individual is selected through vote. District Secretary (Government Agent), 09 Divisional Secretaries (Assistant Government Agents), Trustee of Kirivehera, and trustee of Kotabowa are the voters. Period of office for a Basnayake Nilame is 10 years. Due to this reason, election is held once in 10 years.

From the ancient times, the individual who assumes office as Basnayake Nilame in a shrine (devalaya) was regarded as a respectful person. This being an appointment of royal patronage made by the king himself should be the reason for this veneration. In the past, the duration of office was continued so long as the king desired.

Main duty of the incumbent was to attend to gevadeema. A description of this ritual was given in the beginning of this chapter.

Kapuralas

The foundation of Vedic culture was the devotion to god[17] whereas the base of Vedic worship is performing yaga. The purpose of yaga is to please various gods and deities. Winning wars, achieving good health, seeking childbirths, and gaining prosperity are some of the objectives of pleasing gods.

Intermediaries or ‘brokers’ who maintained links between gods and humans were Brahmin priests. Their task was to conduct yagas. Brahmins who carry out yagas using the materials provided by people, distributed these materials among devotees at the end of yaga.

Vedic literature sheds light as to how Brahmins established the privilege to conduct yagas for gods during the Vedic era, and continued to institutionalize caste system[18]. They brought their caste to prominence saying that they were born out of the mouth of the Brahman[19], and kept god aloof of ordinary people.

Similarly, those who deal with devils and demons are called yak-edura, yakedura, kattandiya, yakdessa etc. roughly meaning ‘the tamer of devils’, those who make offerings on behalf of devotees are called kapurala or devala pulliya etc. Origin of kapuralas in Sri Lanka can be seen as an expansion that followed the pattern of Brahmin priests.

Practically in all devalayas (shrines) in Sri Lanka there is a person dedicated to go before the god and carry out rituals. This is kapurala. He possesses a specific position above the ordinary people. According to the acceptance by ordinary people, gods possess enormous powers. Making presence before gods, chanting hymns, and making appeals about grievances have to be done with great honour. Due to ignorance of proper approach, it is not impossible to be subjected to wrath of gods by trying to seek divine favour. Therefore, these activities have to be performed by those who are knowledgeable about the procedures. According to Vedic acceptance, those who chant hymns erroneously are punishable by gods. Through this belief, there emerged kapuralas in Sri Lanka too who are similar to Brahmins in India, functioning as middlemen between gods and humans. In this background, ordinary denizen developed an unfounded fear even to go near a statue of a god[20]. In truth, the reason for having this fear instilled in the minds of ordinary folk was the fraudulent tactics of Brahmins who made a living out of the belief of gods. This situation offered a greatly profitable environment for kapuralas of our country as well.

At present, rituals or offerings in devalayas are conducted by kapuralas[21]. It has to be specifically mentioned that those who hold this position at present are Singhalese Buddhists[22]. In devalayas allocated only for Hindus, priesthood is held by a group called poosaris dressed in brown coloured attire. Although the functions of kapuralas and poosaris are similar, they are different by the dress. Kapuralas wear only white clothes.

Kapuralas attached to Kataragama shrine get ready for attending to their duties after washing their heads, bathing, and cladding in white clothes. Generally, this makes the difference between an ordinary individual and a kapurala[23]. Special task assigned to them is to carry out poojas three times a day during the morning, noon, and evening. Apart from the time during which they are involved with devalaya rituals, they spend the rest of the day attending to their various livelihoods like the ordinary folk.


There are two groups of kapuralas serving in Kataragama shrine.

1. Theve’ Kapurala
2. Mase’ Kapurala

Out of them, theve’ kapuralas have only a few activities under their charge. They are responsible for tying elephants, cutting poles in the jungle, and carrying statues in procession during the festival season.

Mase kapuralas have a wider responsibility. It is apparent that they are so named meaningfully. Mase’ kapuralas have their turns for duties every other month. During the month they are on duty, they have to prevent themselves from getting polluted due to kili and are prohibited leaving the premises. Cooking (muruthen bema)[24], making offerings at the scheduled time, and sacrificing the poojas brought in by the devotees to the god are the main responsibilities of mase kapuralas[25].

Mase kapralas who are in charge of the daily ritual of offering milk rice (kiri bath), and meals (muluthen), accept pooja vattis (trays of offerings) from devotees and sacrifice them to the god having taken those to the inner chamber. Thereafter these trays are returned to the devotees with half of the contents. When inquiring into ritualistic practices at Kataragama shrine, a special feature observable is that no incantations are recited while making offerings. However, it has to be born in mind that in all devalayas (shrines) scattered throughout the country and in those within the premises of Kataragama shrine, incantations are recited during the offerings and poojas.

As well as all the legends about Kataragama shrine, the history of the office of kapurala also runs back to the times of King Dutugemunu. According to oral tradition, it is perceptible that the post of kuparala of Kataragama shrine was delegated to Nandimithra and his descendents. For this the king had granted Katagamuwa as a service village. A kapurala of Kataragama shrine in a discussion about this issue insisted that this belief could be baseless for Nandimithra being a low-caste person. However, it is difficult to discard this story completely because there are ruins of a dagoba called Nandimithra Cahithya visible even today in Katagamuwa area.

Nandimitra was one of the ten giants of King Dutugemunu (dasa maha yodhayas). He was born in the village of Kadadora, south of Anuradhapura, and had unparalleled physical strength. Regarding the physical strength of Nandimithra, Rajavaliya records thus…” Having tethered Nandimithra to the grinding stone by the waist, his mother went to the well. When child was crawling on his fours to come out of the house with the grinding stone pulling behind him, the stone entangles with the door-step. When he pulled to free himself, the rope snapped. Having observed this immense strength, parents took Nandimithra to Magama in Ruhuna, and handed over to Prince Dutugemunu[26].

This narrative is important to us because it reveals that Nandimithra was resident in Ruhuna from a very young age. It is not possible to infer whether Nandimithra held office as kapurala because of his low-cast. According to the tradition flowing down the ages, low-cast people are not allowed to enter the shrine beyond kola pandalama at the entrance.

Alaththi Ammas

Alaththi is a Tamil word meaning ‘invoking blessings’[27]. In royal palaces during the feudal period, it was customary to bless the king. A close look at alaththi pooja sheds light to the fact that this practice of blessing remained until the end of Kandy Period. Later this was continued in favour of gods as well. According to ancient conviction, he king also was a god. He was the god of the Earth. For this reason, the word ‘prithiveeshwara’ was used to praise the king.

Due to respectful fear of the subjects towards the king, following the death of the king, he was treated as a god in some instances. Due to efforts taken to continue the rituals performed in respect of the king (while he was alive) after his death as well, the customs confined to royal palaces apparently found their way into devalayas too. A strong factor to arrive at this decision was that alaththi pooja was not found among the devalaya rituals in the old.

Alaththi pooja is a rhythmic offering of lamps in front of the god. It has to be noted that this practice, also specially termed as alaththi bema, seems to be a certain process of invoking blessings[28]. In the bygone days, this task had generally been entrusted to high cast people. The importance and specific nature of this activity is imaginable by the fact that there had been service villages allocated for those who were engaged in it. There is evidence that this practice took place in the royal household when the king was waking up from his sleep. In the palaces, both men and women were involved in this invoking of blessings.

Alaththi bema is observable among the customary practices of Dalada Maligawa (Temple of the Tooth Relic) as well. This is done in devalayas (Hindu shrines attached to the Temple) and only women are involved. Although alaththi ammas of Dalada Maligawa are dressed in a white cloth (cambay ) and jacket, those in Kataragama shrine are dressed only in an ordinary white cloth and a brassier. The process of conducting this observance that continue from ancient times in royal palaces, Dalada Maligawa, and devalayas seems similar; i.e. raising and lowering of lighted lamps carried on the palms, chanting the sentence “kappanthirekata thirahath kalayakata ira handa pavathinathek ayu bo vewa”(May there be longevity till the end of kalpa which is long time and so long as the sun and moon exist).

According to the contents of Ridi Vihara Asna[29], there had been alaththi ammas in the palace numbering in thousands. There was a special location for this purpose called alaththi mandapaya. There is evidence to prove that this custom existed in Buddhist temples as well during a certain period[30]. Ridi Viharaya is one such place and only women attended to this.

Dr. Ananda Kumaraswamy who analyzed the practice of alaththi ammas and noted the practice as a reflection of devadasi system in India.

Devadsi system that was very popular in India during a certain period exist today only for the name-sake[31] because, with the dilapidation of the feudal era, its appendages too disintegrated.

Anthahpura (Harem or inner city) is a part of the royal palace. A large number of beautiful damsels were retained there for the physical and mental appeasement of the king. People who saw a similarity between the king and the god, established an inner city in the shrine for the god also. This is the origin of devadasi system. When Muslims attacked Somanatha Shrine in 1026 AD, it is mentioned that there were 500 devadasis.

Singing, chanting incantations, and dancing in praise of god were the tasks assigned to devadasis. Save for the early period of the practice, as the time passed on, it is apparent that they faced difficulties to sustain themselves due to non-establishment of a proper source to take care of their necessities. The result was that they were subject to sexual harassment of so motivated men. As this condition grew into a social evil, during the British rule, administrators imposed severe laws. Because of the over-powering blind faith and ignorance of people, these laws failed to curtail devadsi system and the social evils associated with it.

Ignorant Indian parents sacrificed some of their children to god after retaining the number adequate to the family. In some instances, having believed that certain natural sicknesses that gripped the girls were due to the wrath of gods, such children too were handed over to the shrines. Not only that they accepted the handing over of children to the service of god as the best approach to salvage themselves from the curses and wrath of gods, but also they believed that the practice amounted to fulfilling their duty to the god. However, having felt that the system did not agree with the changing times, it was neglected. In a way, the similarity between the alaththi ammas and devadasis seen by Dr. Kumaraswamy is justifiable because both practices originate from a common root. But, the past of alaththi ammas is clean compared to devadasis. The praise given in Kahakurulu Sandesaya[32] about alaththi ammas is a living example.

Alaththi ammas of Kataragama shrine have to attend to alaththi bema and drawing water for nanumura mangalyaya (Ceremony of bathing the god)[33].

It is appropriate to place in record a folk tale about alaththi ammas dedicated to the service of Kataragama shrine. According to information gathered from the alaththi ammas in attendance at present, alaththi ammas signify the bodyguards of Valli Amma, one of the two spouses of God Kataragama.

In keeping with ancient tradition, kapurala provides lamps, wicks, and lights them for alaththi ammas who are present in proper dress. The lamps are lit from another lamp placed at the inner door of the shrine. Inside the shrine, alththi ammas who recite the alaththi sentence while facing each other with lamps in their hands, proceed to outer skirt of the building, repeat the pooja and thereafter place the right thumb on the forehead. This ritual is performed daily after the offering of meals.

Twelve alaththi ammas participate for the ritual of bathing statues (nanumura mangalyaya). During the festival season, there wont be any departure of the procession from the shrine or return or carrying of statues without the presence of alaththi ammas. These prove the responsibility of alaththi ammas in divine duties.

Traditional payment to alaththi ammas include an annual payment of Rs. 2.82 and a monthly supply of 16 kurunis of paddy.

There is a host of rituals associated with Kataragama shrine that are continued uninterrupted through ages. There are reflections of both Buddhism and Hinduism in these and symbolic of an admixture of Buddhist and Hindu practices. Next chapter would give details of rituals.

[1] Sutta Nipathattkatha pp. 301

[2] Mahavamsa Chapter 10 – Stanza 84

[3] Mahavamsa Chapter 39 – Stanza 44

[4] Bodhivamsa pp. 95

[5] History of Buddhism in Ceylon pp. 75

[6] The Pictorial Surevy of the People and Art pp. 66

[7] A section of Menik River which flows by the side of the shrine

[8] JRSH Vol. XXIV – No. 77

[9] Davy Dutu Lankawa pp. 35

[10] One of two wives of God Kataragama

[11] A description of these women is given later

[12] This information about the shrine was available through the kind contribution by Mr. Somapala

Ratnayake – a kapurala of the shrine

[13] Devala Seetuwa: An ancient document giving details of the rituals of the Kataragama shrine. At present,

this is in the possession of the Secretary of the shrine.

[14] Amuna : Refers to a measure of grain and is a traditional measure of sowing area of paddy based on the

volume sown

[15] By the authority of the Secretary of the shrine

[16] Vihara Neethi Viththi – pp. 92

[17] Buddha Darmaya saha samajaya pp. 181

[18] Asirimath Indiyawa (Wonder that was India) pp. 426

[19] Brahmansya mukha maasid, Baahu rajanyah kruthah:

[20] Devey Dutu Lankawa – pp 77

[21] Eda Hela diva - pp. 02

[22] Discussion wit Somipala Ratnayake (A kapurala at Kataragama Shrine)

[23] Lakdiva Mahayana Vadaya - pp. 192

[24] A description about this is forthcoming.

[25] Somipala Rathnayake (Kapurala)

[26] Rajavaliya - pp. 173

[27] Sinhala Vishva Koshaya - pp 663

[28] Sinhala Samaja Sanvidhanaya - pp. 36

[29] Ridi Vihara Asna – documents in the Museum

[30] Sinhala Samaja Sanvidanaya - pp. 77

[31] Femina Vol. IV – 1981-04-19

[32] Kahakurulu Sandesaya - Verse 164

[33] Discussion with Ms. Babynona who had attended to alaththi pooja for 12 years.

Preserving the past Colombo Museum Library

Shelf after shelf stand neatly stacked books where ever the eye can see. Old and dusty but leather bound and heavy. Such volumes are not to be seen today, the hard covers, threadbare with gold lettering and a court of arms. Your grandfather might have held a few such books but never such a massive collection. It is absolutely breathtaking which only a devoted reader would understand. The most amazing fact is that it is not only one such spacious room but several house this impressive collection. Books, volumes too heavy to be carried, journals, periodicals, carefully cutout articles are neatly arranged by date and alphabetical order on almost every subject. Where would you ask is this unimaginable collection to be found, is it a hoax by Life to tease you. Ney, good sir for this collection gathering dust but growing each year is at our fingertips to be explored and given shelter in our own back yard.

Standing for more than a hundred years since 1877 when Sir William Gregory himself an avid reader opened the Museum together with a library. "They faced the problem of obtaining books and Sir William Gregory under the Museum Ordinance brought the Government Oriental Library and the Royal Asiatic Library together to start the Museum Library," explained Padma Akkarawita, the librarian. Never in her wildest dreams did she imagine that one day she would be the guardian of this national treasure when visiting the collection as a student but today she proudly walks around her silent wards touching the shelves with loving care.

The second largest collection of Ola leaves (puskola) in the world with the largest in England is at the Museum Library donated by the Government Oriental Library and the printed books from the Royal Asiatic Library. "They are still in good condition," said Miss Akkarawita some even with the Royal Asiatic seal. Pages can be turned and words read. When informed of the fading words on an Ola leaf it is sent to the Conservation Unit for preservation. A hundred years ago the library started with 1200 books but today the collection stretches to several thousand. "In the 1800's it is said that Sir William Gregory held regular social gatherings in the library," which is only a hint as to the condition and maintenance of this section of the Museum.

The collection can be categorized as printed and manuscripts from Pali, Sanskrit, Sinhala, Tamil and Burmese Languages and subjects ranging from Buddhist scriptures to Medicine, Astrology, History, Science, Geology, Language etc. "The oldest manuscript in the island found in the 13th century is at present on display at the Museum," she said. Spittle's Bible, S. B Charles's first copy of the national flag,Collection of H C P Bell, the first archeological commissioner of Ceylon are few of the treasures found here.

"Even with the donation of books there was a problem in obtaining recent publications. Sir William Gregory rectified this by creating another Law declaring that three copies must be made of all prints and one to be given to the library," explained Miss Akkarawita. This Law is still in effect which ensures a comprehensive local collection at the Museum but it was not until 1885 when missionary John Murdock insisted that a library should become a national institute and collect local volumes as well. Hence under No 1: of the Printers and Publishers Act of Britain all books were registered, three copies made and one of these given to the library. As a result the very first Sinhala print from 1737 is one of their collection.

The present quality of the books is due to the provisions taken by the British admired Miss Akkarawita. The original racks of seasoned wood still in use were specially made for the books she explained and each rack stands on an iron frame atop which stands a wooden stump and then the rack at least a foot off the ground. Walking around that familiar sweetened smell mixed with dust and a smell of old paper lingers, "that is the smell of citronella oil applied to the shelves," the books are fumigated every now and then to prevent the damage caused by insects but as yet none have found a solution to preserve old paper. "This is a problem all of us face," she said referring to the librarians at the National Archives Library as well. Even though micro-film and photography technology is at present in operation there is no way to conserve the pages of a first edition or the valuable copies of the last century now out of print.

"The mission of this library is quite different to others," explained the librarian. "This is not a lending library but one for reference." Open to all, six days a week, from 8.30am to 5.00pm for a small fee of eight rupees you can spend the entire day immersed in pages of the past. However Miss Akkarawita is quite saddened by the empty tables, "the reading habit is dying in our present generation everyone turns to the internet but it is just another cut & paste scenario, nothing is understood." Many are even unaware as to the existence of such an institution. Perhaps a better sign board advertising its presence on the far side of the museum and a note to the visiting schools to take a turn in that direction could improve the situation.

Of course many would not be interested as it is only a reference library attracting a majority of researchers and under graduates but to change its regulations to a lending library would be disastrous knowing the destructive ways of our people, selfish and unconcerned that these precious tomes are a treasure like no other. Moore's volumes of the Lepidotera of Ceylon from the 1880's, Dr. Thwuites observations, the early descriptions of the island, "most of the books are related to the five units of the museum," said Miss Akkarawita; Botany, Zoology, Entomology, Anthropology and Ethnology. Walking past the main entrance and towards the canteen a side passageway blocked by a brass chain is the doorway to the library. Even though the presence of this chain would turn away most it was the form in colonial times before the appearance of doors. Hence fashioned with a chain and saloon doors await the library.

Heavy regulations guarding the books insist that no possessions are to be taken in to the reading section except for pencil and paper so that minimum damage is caused to the books. After referring to an extensive catalogue the names and reference numbers of the books are to be handed to the librarian who will then walk among the silent watchers of the past and bring to you, your need. "These books need to be touched, the pages turned, for sunlight to fall or they will just sit in dust and deteriorate," she said. The vast rooms sometimes with an upper floor for journals is dark, windows wedged shut with disuse. "With the new buildings there is not much light that comes in." This new building is the latest extension to the library to reduce the constraint on the volumes.

A special room is dedicated to the Buddhist scriptures and the periodicals donated by Ven.Kalukondayawa Pagngnasekara Thera. "These are the most frequently used and are in excellent condition," however others which rarely feel living hands are not doing so well. The scare that gripped the people during the rains brought many of the clergy to check the condition of this precious collection but due to her presence of mind all the racks were covered in polythene and none of the tomes were affected. Even though understaffed they try their best to help whom ever either by telephone or letter to reach the more distant locations and pleas from school-goers island wide.

"During the early years a well documented catalogue was present but after 1910 it slowly collapsed due to wars, maintenance changing hands and other reasons." The vast number of volumes is soon to be computerized for easy reference but if no one comes to press that button what will happen asks the librarian. At present photocopy, micro-film and photograph facilities are available. One reason for the fall of the library is the lack of attention by the authorities. The present director of the museum, Dr. Nanda Wickremasignhe has been immensely supportive says Miss Akkarawita but red tape draped all round makes it almost impossible to improve conditions.

Other than books a stamp collection complete with first editions, an amazing collection of water colour paintings of early Ceylon can also be asked for. "Librarians are people who like to give books but that is not the case here," concludes one who has walked among the shelves so much that she is familiar with almost all of this astounding collection, able to point out the shelf when the book is called for.

(http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/06/15/life/01.asp)

Historical links between the South and the North-East

The research by Ven. Ellawala Medhananda Thero :

The lecture titled "Jathika Urumaya Matukarana Gaveshana" which can be loosely translated into English as researches that re-establish national heritage, was a thought-provoking lecture delivered by Puravidya Chakravarthi Ven. Ellawala Medhananda Thero.

At the very outset, without dwelling on the subject of the lecturer, Ven. Ellawala Medhananda thero described the hardships that he experienced in various expeditions often braving forests, and hostile weather to reach the rock-inscriptions and cave-inscriptions over four decades of his scholarly life.

He, particularly, mentioned that he had travelled a great deal and literally walked from the banks of Kumbukkan Oya (a river whose banks were supposed to be the first inhabited areas of the island) and along the coast to Jaffna and Mannar islands.

The entire lecture was based on the finding of rock-inscription by the thero, amounting to 260. Some of these rock-inscriptions (160) with their interpretations have been published by the Department of Archaeology, titled "Aprakata Brahmiya Sellippi" (Unknown Brahamin rock-inscriptions).

On his recent travel to the remote village of Diyatitta Wewa, a mountainous area bordering the Eastern province, Ellawala Medhananda thero stumbled upon a rock-inscription at the cave of the Buddhist monk of the village temple, leading to the finding of a series of rock-inscriptions that linked this mountainous and rather scarcely inhabited area to the ancient kingdom of the Sinhalese.

Though the purpose of the visit was to encourage villages to remain in the threatened village, Medhananda thero explored the mountain and discovered 30 rock-inscriptions.

The mountain range is situated in a strip of landmass stretching from Horopathana to Aluth Oya and linking itself to the border of the North and East.

The range consists of three loosely-nestled mountains of Diyatitta Wewa, Madaya Kanda and Berawaya Kanda.

Since the rock-inscriptions had been, deciphered for the first time, and interpreted in 1875 by scholars such as Gold Smith, Edward Muller, Wickremesinghe and Dr. Senarath Paranavithana, principally two methods have been employed to decipher the meanings of the rock-inscriptions; copying the rock-inscription by hand and embossing the inscription onto a paper with a special ink. Both techniques are prone to error, sometimes, missing out important parts of the inscriptions.

For instance, the rock-inscription at Pottaya Kallu (near Omari in the liberated parts of Kanchi kudichchiaru) which establishes important historical links to the Kingdom in the South or Ruhunu had been interpreted by Dr.Senarath Paranavithana.

In the interpretation, Dr. Parana has interpreted the ward 'Javacanaya', with little doubt over it, as Javaca leader. However, the thero found out that the word should have been interpreted as 'Navicanaya' suggesting that King Mahanaga of Ruhuna, had been also served as naval leader. Subsequent inscriptions proved that Mahanaga had served in the Puttalam District as a naval leader prior to his exit to Ruhuna.

The rock-inscriptions revealed that Nandi Mitra, one of the twelve commanders of king Dutugamunu's army, had been a descendent from the lineage of commanders. According to Medhananda thera, the title 'Devanam Piyatissa 'had been used by more than 18 Sinhalese kings.

Particularly, symbols at the end of each inscription are considered as some form of signature which is present in most of the inscriptions describing the lineage of Nandi Mitra, the commander.

Accordingly, the genesis of Nandi Mitra can now be traced, to a greater extent, with the aid of rock-inscriptions; Nadica's father, Senapati, was a commander and his wife was Sunama.

Their son was Pramuca Nadica, Nadica's son Mitta and his daughter Sunama (same as mother's name). Nandi Mitra's wife was Kusha (daughter of Sata Natata as mentioned in three rock-inscriptions; Diyatitta Wewa, Berawaya Kanda and Maha Cachakodiya.

According to 30 rock-inscriptions interpretted by Ven. Ellawala Medananda thera, the genealogy can be traced further.

Nandi Mitra's son was Duta Sumana, an ambassador. His son was Padumaca Abaya as mentioned in Piyangala and Tonigala rock-inscriptions.

Nandi Mitra's daughter Upassica Gutta, was married to a prince Tilakana Aya. According to these rock-inscriptions, Nandi Mitra can be considered as member of royal dynasty. These inscriptions also revealed about a nobleman known as Vyagga.

Vyagga's son offered rock caves to the Maha Sanga of the world (to all members of the Buddhist Order). Similarly, two inscriptions were discovered in Erupatana Mahacachcha kodiya and Kirimakulugolla in Ratnapura.

Apart from that landmass being discovered as the place of the birth of Nandi Mitra, Ellawala thera has also discovered the Dipa Raja and the Prachina Raja, provincial rulers under the Anuradhapura kingdom.

Madana Hela, Mollikulam Male inscriptions suggest that at Mollikulam Male, Viharamahadevi had lived in a rock-cave as a nun. These 86 inscriptions and other inscriptions evidently disproved the concept of the traditional homeland advocated by the LTTE as a myth.

The Sanga Nayaka of the Amerapura Dharmarashita Nikaya most Ven. Weligama Gnanaratna thera presided over the meeting. The lecture was organized by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and the Department of Public Trustees.

(http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2007/02/11/PrintPage.asp?REF=/2007/02/11/imp01.asp)